Trump’s DOJ Speech: A Reckoning for the Deep State and a Media Meltdown
Trump’s DOJ speech called out corruption, promised justice reform, and sent the media into a frenzy over his bold rebuke of the establishment.
hat did you think of Donald Trump’s speech at the Department of Justice on Friday? It was one of those speeches that divides the world. I liked it. But even while watching it, I asked myself, “Gosh. What is The New York Times, The Washington Post, CNN, the Associated Press, etc., going to make of this?”
Actually, I did not ask myself that because I knew they would explode in horrified rage. The Times, for example, carried a trembling story under the headline “Trump’s Grievance-Filled Speech Makes Clear His Quest for Vengeance Is Personal.” In case that wasn’t clear enough, a subhead explained that “The sole offense of those President Trump singled out in remarks at the Justice Department appeared to have been trying to hold him accountable for his actions.” Oh really?
Just to show how dispassionate the Times is about Donald Trump, we learn from his byline that Alan Feuer, the reporter who wrote this cri de coeur, “covers extremism and political violence for The Times, focusing on the criminal cases involving the Jan. 6 attack on the Capitol and against former President Donald J. Trump.”
Extremism, eh? Political violence, you say? According to Feuer, Trump’s address was “a grievance-filled attack on the very people who have worked in the building and others like them. As he singled out some targets of his rage, he appeared to offer his own vision of justice in America, one defined by personal vengeance rather than by institutional principles.”
Perhaps Alan Feuer had tapped into a different address. The one I saw was plenty plainspoken. Trump identified some of the bad actors, from Joe Biden and Merrick Garland on down, that had done so much to corrupt the Department of Justice over the last four years. He also mentioned James Comey, the disgraced former director of the FBI who was instrumental in propagating the Russia collusion hoax and destroying the career of Gen. Mike Flynn. He did not mention, but might have, former FBI agents like Peter Strzok, once deputy assistant FBI director. It was Strzok who, during the Trump 2016 presidential campaign, assured his paramour Lisa Page not to worry about Trump’s winning that election. Quoth Page: “[Trump’s] not ever going to become president, right? Right?!” “No,” replied Strzok. “No, he won’t. We’ll stop it.”
Somehow, Alan Feuer never got around to figures like Peter Strzok, Andrew McCabe, or the FBI agent who actually altered an email to say that Carter Page was not a CIA asset when in fact he was, thus getting the ball rolling on “Crossfire Hurricane,” the FBI’s clandestine investigation of the first candidate and then President Trump.
In fact, the FBI was part of the biggest political scandal in the history of the United States: the effort by highly placed—exactly how highly placed we still do not know—members of one administration to mobilize the intelligence services and police power of the state to spy upon and destroy first the candidacy and then, when that didn’t work, the administration of a political rival.
Reporters like Alan Feuer, and his counterparts elsewhere in the wards of anti-Trump hysteria don’t like it when Trump calls bad people “bad people,” but that is just too bad. Feuer says that the “sole offense” of those Trump singled out was trying to hold Trump accountable. In fact, Trump’s real tort was having had the temerity to be elected in the first place. It was that outrage that provided the only predicate for the weaponization of the Department of Justice, the FBI, and the intelligence agencies.
Trump’s speech at the DOJ was full of praise for Attorney General Pam Bondi, FBI Director Kash Patel, and other newly ascendant members of the DOJ team. He outlined some of the major challenges law enforcement faced, beginning with the border crisis and the scourge of fentanyl. But his main point was that a two-tier system of justice is no system of justice. On the contrary, it is a travesty of justice. The mouthpieces of Leviathan had their collective knickers in a twist because Trump was brazen enough to call out the perversion of the DOJ under Joe Biden, Merrick Garland, and Christopher Wray. Joe Biden’s attempt on his way out of office to pardon so many bad actors looks like it might backfire. Why? For a couple of reasons. One, he wasn’t really issuing pardons. Rather, he issued a sort of plenary indulgence for any crimes that they may have committed (not quite a “pardon,” since in many cases there was no charge of which they might be pardoned).
Then, too, it turns out that those get-out-of-jail-free cards might not have been signed by good ’ole Scranton Joe but by an autopen when Joe was physically (or perhaps only mentally) absent. Is that constitutional? This thoughtful law article suggests that the answer may well be “no.” The matter of the Constitution’s signature requirements (Article I, § 7, clause 2) is something that President Trump might want to have his Department of Justice look into with respect to that promiscuous sea of indulgences with which Joe Biden left office.
In any event, while the regime media is full of fletus et stridor dentium while it wanders around in outer darkness, Donald Trump was clear about the fact that his Department of Justice was going to be very different from the stasi-like operation of the previous administration. “We will expel the rogue actors and corrupt forces from our government,” Trump said.
We will expose and very much expose their egregious crimes and severe misconduct, of which was levels never seen before.
It’s going to be legendary. It will also be legendary for those who seek justice. We will restore the scales of justice in America, and we will ensure that such abuses never happen again in our country.
No wonder they are worried. The jig is up.